Author of quotes: Lilia Shevtsova

The Chinese can understand Putin's reasoning about "historical territories." For China, "historical territories" are the Russian Amur and Primorye regions, which were once seized by Russia from the Qing dynasty.

<... > world is looking for new sources of vitality. Russia, as a partner, is not in these plans. Even for the role of a rival, Russia does not pull. Russia remains on the world sidelines. You'll have to get used to the new role.

<... > Russia still has the opportunity for self-assertion - interference in the internal affairs of other countries. At least for the purpose of destabilization. In this case, Russia will regain its role as a factor in uniting Western democracies [against itself].

<...> relations with America support the sovereign ridge of autocracy. What will it rely on when America forgets about us?

Yes, Western values have ceased to be perceived as a “universalist standard”. But what has replaced it? As a pro-Kremlin expert recently grieved: "We do not have a positive ideology for ourselves, a new Russian idea."

The most favorable period of world politics for Russia is coming to an end. Vladimir Putin was lucky with this time. Despite our lamentations about humiliation and disrespect, they tried to understand and embrace Russia. They hoped for Russia. Russia was allowed into the West, where Russia manages to undermine the Western foundations. “To be against the West and to be inside the West” - isn't it witty ?!

... their role [plays] and the absence in Russia of new ideas of national consensus, and in these circumstances there is a tendency to unite on the principle "Against whom are friends?".

The Russian elite can boast of another achievement - the ability to mimic Western institutions. In Russia there are all the institutions that form the basis of Western democracy. But they function as a cover of personified power. Russian leaders are actively using liberal rhetoric, and in the Russian government there are still people who are known as liberals. And all of this complicates not only the development of real democracy in Russia, but liberal criticism of the Russian system. Moreover, the existence of a sham Parliament, multi-party, organizations that use a liberal slogans, in the eyes of public opinion discreditied liberal democracy, generating among the people of the attraction to the net model of authoritarianism. "Why do we have all these servile deputies! - talking to other citizens. - Let's better ruled one".

... Moscow was right, translating relationships with neighbours and consumers of Russian energy resources on a market basis. But the nature of the transition to market prices and the very definition of "market price", which depends on consumers ' loyalty to Moscow, testifies to transformation of energy resources into a political tool, which can not distort market principles.

One can only sympathize with those who are forced to explain and legitimize the Russian system and try to imagine her stagnation as a movement, its convulsive throws in different directions - as a strategy, the aspirations of the ruling class - both national and state interests, and his lack of principles as a new form of the ideology of pragmatism. Sorry, very sorry...especially when talented people are forced to spend their energies and their lives to convince the world that what they could hardly believe themselves.

For Western leaders a constructive relationship with Putin was more important than what Putin did in Russia.

The Yeltsin still avoided a direct answer to the question about participation in the next election, although his campaign was in full swing. At the same time, the President tried to convince everyone that he is the guarantor of the survival of Russia. "I don't want power - he said. But it is necessary to avoid deviations from the path on which stood the country. This country needs strong presidential power." And further: "As we promised. 1995 was a year of stabilization. Next year will be the start time of the ascent that will continue in the future".

Purely practical to organize elections in the Republic, where they were still hostilities, the population was dispersed and most people were outside, it was difficult. However, this problem was solved easily. The CEC said that the Federal troops stationed in Chechnya will be there to vote. Began to understand the arrogance of the Moscow leaders - they agreed to replace the stubborn voices of the Chechens by the votes of Federal soldiers.

In the period from 1991 to September 1993 Russia for the first time received political structure in which there were elements balances and the government itself was demonopolized. There was an independent Parliament and the constitutional court. However, it soon appeared that the division of power occurred before the arising of the ruling groups have learned to live in conditions of pluralism, before they learned to negotiate.
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Played its role and ambitions of the leaders of the Parliament. The mentality of the main actors was similar: they are characterized by the desire for monopoly of power and inability to dialogue. The personal qualities of leaders and their advisers who could work in a confrontational mode of thinking and activities have had a huge impact on the course of the struggle and its completion.